Hi:
I also drafted a section on challenges and defenses to the propaganda model, which I will put in the criticisms chapter.
Best,
Wade
Challenges and defenses of the propaganda model
Ever since Manufacturing Consent was published, it has received a wide spectrum of response. Herman and Chomsky’s PM is a hypothesis of how the media operates, not how effective it is. In the conclusion of Manufacturing Consent, the authors wrote:
“The system is not all-powerful, however. Government and elite domination of the media have not succeeded in overcoming the Vietnam syndrome and public hostility to direct U.S. involvement in the destabilization and overthrow of foreign governments.”
NYT published a review of Manufacturing Consent by Cornell professor Walter LaFeber. LaFeber wrote that the impressive detailed work in Manufacture Consent was weakened by the tendency of the authors to “overstate” their cases, and LaFeber provided examples that he argued contradicted the PM, notably that activists had hampered the Reagan administration’s attempts to support the Nicaraguan Contras.
The year after Manufacturing Consent was published, Chomsky addressed critiques of the PM in his Necessary Illusions. Chomsky wrote that the PM held up well to tests of its validity, and noted that paired examples clearly identify the double-standards that the media uses for reporting similar events. Chomsky reiterated the dichotomous treatment of Polish and Central American priest and nun murders, in which the murder of one priest in an enemy regime received far more coverage than a hundred priests and nuns in client regimes.
Chomsky replied to LaFeber’s critique by noting that it was one of the few reactions to a PM that was not “invective.” Chomsky replied to LaFeber’s assertion that activist victories contradicted the PM with:
“Consider [LaFeber’s] first argument: the model is undermined by the fact that efforts to ‘mobilize bias’ sometimes fail. By the same logic, an account of how Pravda works to ‘mobilize bias’ would be undermined by the existence of dissidents. Plainly, the thesis that Pravda serves as an organ of state propaganda is not disconfirmed by the fact that there are many dissidents in the Soviet Union. Nor would the thesis be confirmed if every word printed by Pravda were accepted uncritically by the entire Soviet population. The thesis says nothing about the degree of success of the propaganda. LaFeber’s first argument is not relevant; it does not address the model we present.”
LaFeber’s second and third arguments against Manufacturing Consent fared similarly in Chomsky’s analysis, particularly an instance of reporting that LaFeber argued undermined the PM, when the Reagan administration lied when stating that Soviet MIGs had been delivered to the Nicaraguan government, coinciding with the Nicaraguan election. The MIG lie pushed the Nicaraguan election completely out of media attention. Chomsky replied that it was not an exception at all, but conformed to the PM. Chomsky’s response to LaFeber’s “exception” finished with: “That the media questioned what was openly conceded by the government to be false is not a very persuasive demonstration of their independence from power.” Herman replied that the MIG event “fits our propaganda model to perfection.”
Herman and Chomsky noted that LaFeber’s was one of the few critiques of Manufacturing Consent worth replying to, but it contained logical fallacies that invalidated his critique.
Chomsky wrote that the PM generated several kinds of predictions, of first, second, and third orders. Chomsky wrote that the first order prediction of the PM was that constructive bloodbaths will be welcomed, benign bloodbaths ignored, and nefarious bloodbaths will be:
“…passionately condemned, on the basis of a version of the facts that would merely elicit contempt if applies to a study of alleged abuses of the United States or friendly states. We presented a series of examples to show that these consequences are exactly what we discover.”
The second-order prediction is that within mainstream circles, studies such as Manufacturing Consent will be absent, which was true, and the third-order prediction was how the mainstream would receive the analysis in works such as Manufacturing Consent.
Chomsky and Herman’s third-order prediction was that exposure of the facts would elicit no reaction for constructive bloodbaths, “occasionally noted without interest in the case of benign bloodbaths; and it will lead to great indignation in the case of nefarious bloodbaths.” Chomsky’s reasons for the reactions were that for constructive bloodbaths the facts cannot be acknowledged, partly because it would expose the hypocrisy of the denunciations of nefarious bloodbaths, as well as the social role of the “specialized class” of privileged intellectuals, but that the exposure also “interferes with a valuable device for mobilizing the public in fear and hatred of a threatening enemy.” Chomsky wrote that for benign bloodbaths, as long as the United States’s role remained suppressed, then exposure of the facts produced little ideological damage.
As can be seen in the following examples, the greatest attacks against Herman and Chomsky conformed to the PM’s third-order prediction, when they exposed the media’s treatment of three nefarious genocides, in Cambodia, Yugoslavia, and Rwanda.


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